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usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Publisher's Note
There have books and books on Jyoti Basu, Five decades in active politics, longest serving Chief Minister of the world. It is not a small span of life. The first autobiography 'Janaganer Sange' (With the People) was published in two volumes spanning a great part of his carrier. A more intimate  'Jatadur Monepore' was published this year. Both have been in Bengali.
jblogo_s.gif (1418 bytes) There has been an 'authorised biography' in English, but this is the first time his personal Autobiography is being published in English.
Translated from original Bengali 'Jatadur Monepore' by senior journalist, Abhijit Dasgupta
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Preface
By Jyoti Basu
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part I
Childhood Days
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part II
In London
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part III
London Mazlish
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part IV
Back Home
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part V
Organising Labour
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part VI
In the assembly
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part VII
Riots of 1946
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part VIII
Tebhaga Movement
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part IX
Independence & Partition
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part X
West Bengal assembly
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part XI
I am Arrested
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part XII
Party ban is Lifted

usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part XIII
1952 Elections
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part XIV
Resisting Tram fare rise
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part XV
I am a father
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part XVI
1954 teachers agitation

usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part XVII
Agitations unabetted
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part XVIII
Goa Liberation War
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part XIX
The Reorganisation of states
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part XX
Party Congress
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part XXI
Second General Elections
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part XXII
A wave of mass agitations
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part XXIII
Inflation Crisis
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Part XXIV
1957 Elections

 MEMORIES: The Ones That Have Lasted
(A political autobiography)

Extremism and the 'Left' Aberrations

Extreme Left aberrations followed revisionism The party had already been divided and there was no way this could have been avoided. We were still to recover from the effect of the split. The organisational weaknesses were apparent in many places. In the midst of all this, the aberration in the form of extreme leftism provided a new danger within the party. A wrong analysis by a few people of the situation prevalent in the country was used to spread the message of instant revolution.

These people challenged the programmes of the party and opposed policy dicisions on participation in parliamentary democracy and government. They struck at the roots of a Marxist-Leninist party; unity, discipline and democratic centralism were given the go-by.

These opportunists dubbed our party programme as revisionist and termed the Indian government as neo-colonialist. They said that the land was under a "puppet regime" and the petty bourgeoisie were in power with the help of imperialists.

The Calcutta congress of 1964 debated this line and rejected it. These people believed that the bourgeoisie did not have any power of their own and were led by the imperialists. This was a wrong evaluation.They were also incorrect in their belief in that they thought that the government was a puppet regime; what they forgot was no such government could possibly have such a huge public support as had been evident in successive elections. According to them, the government had been totally alienated from the people and was being despised by the general public. The prevalent class structure was totally ignored and the need for a peoples' democratic front was not made out strongly. This wrong assessment led them to believe that armed revolution was the only way out and that it was just a matter of time.

Driven by recklessness, these Leftists were blind to the difference between parliamentary democracy and Fascism. As a natural consequence, instead of following Lenin’s ideal of using all parliamentary institutions as weapons for greater struggle, these extremists said that any sanction for parliamentary democracy was an assertion of revisionism.

For them, all non-Congress ministries were revisionist by nature. Participation in elections were also wrong. They also rejected the concept of the United Front and the need for an alternative government. All strategies and policies were dubbed as greed for parliamentary power but, in effect, they only served to push back and ignore a major dimension in the Left movement.

We had proved the hollowness of these arguments at that time; not only that, we had also said that these people would only serve to alienate the people from the party. The central committee meeting of the CPI(M) in August 1967 which was held in Madurai detailed the party position on these aberrations. The central committee statement said,

‘‘This is nothing but an aberration borne out of anarchy which is only serving to lighten the struggle against the system. This has no relation or similarity to Leninism and serves to convert the people and the labour class into mute spectator. Slogans are being raised which will alienate not only the party but the people too from the elections and leave the people to the mercy of the Congress and other bourgeoisie parties. The significance of the defeat of the Congress, the formation of alternative governments in various states, the movement of the people towards the party and the exposure of the real face of the bourgeoisie parties have been ignored in the name of revolution. Any compromise with this line of thinking would mean sabotaging the very efforts towards which the party has been working; this strategy can never take the party forward and instead can only serve to delink it from the masses. Nothing is being said about the present level of consciousness among the people nor is any effort being made to clear the confusion among the masses about the character of the state and its machinery.’’

The statement also said, "A narrow viewpoint is being accepted as a larger strategy. There is no line of thinking on how to unite the labour class and create political consciousness. At the same time, they are also silent on how to push forward the struggle of the farmers and their uplift which are supposed to from the basis of this ‘Revolution’. They are only paying lip service to the cause of the farmers. This has unfortunately come at a time when the party is trying its utmost to take the people's movement forward and pursuing an active policy. Those who are following the line of extremism are trying to establish that the party line is wrong... They are not realizing that state terrorism cannot be fought without an unified movement and an organized labour sector. Ignoring this aspect would mean giving into opportunism and extremism followed by some people who do not belong to the mainstream of the labour struggle.’’

In reality, these opportunists were only trying serving to prevent the unity of the labour class and the people at large and ignore the major tasks of fighting against the prevalent anti-people system and policies. While ignoring the need to establish mass organizations and fight for the rights of the labour and farmer classes, some people indulged in the worst form of extremism and sought to put an end to the people’s movement in the name of revolution. They felt that mass organizations had no role left to play and that the people's victory would come only through so-called revolutionary steps and activities. Moreover, Marxism-Leninism has never ever based its philosophy on such premises. This was a totally wrong understanding.

Naturally, these "revolutionaries," through their irresponsible statements and actions only harmed the cause of the people's unity and helped the Congress in its fight against democracy. Like the revisionists who had helped the rightists in the campaign of opportunism, so also did the Left recklessness come to the aid to reactionaries and only harmed the struggle that the CPI(M) had undertaken against the anti-national and anti-democratic rule of the by the Congress. Our party was the main target now since for them, the United Front government was more reactionary than any Congress regime. Individual killings and terrorism began on a much larger scale and the unity of action and spirit between the Congress and these "revolutionaries" was now apparent, both of them were ranged against us.

Despite the hollowness of lack of understanding in these philosophy, the ultra-Leftists did manage to create some sort of influence, particularly in Andhra Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and the northern part of the West Bengal. Unfortunately, some well-meaning but militant, middleclass intellectuals and youths fell victims to the glamour of this call for revolution. They said they were followers of Mao and raised the slogan, ‘‘China’s chairman is our chairman.’’ Forgetting everything else that the country stood for, they followed the China model with disastrous consequences which had no relation to Marxist philosophy. Naxalbari in Darjeeling district of West Bengal became the focal point of their activities. Preparations had begun sometimes back; bulletins and leaflets were periodically issued against the CPI(M). Secret groups were formed and printing presses were opened to carry out their campaign. They were not interested in debates and discussions within the party. Everything was kept secret and there was no way they could be identified. Everything was secretive; this was typical stray anti-party activity. Though the previous party congress had rejected their line, these erring leftists continued with their campaign. The problem was more political than organizational. Many of them were expelled from the party.

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