They have accused the Government of Yugoslavia of 'ethnic cleansing' of its Kosovo Albanian population. In reality, however, prior to the bombardment, the civilian population of Kosovo, Albanians and Serbs, were fleeing an armed conflict between the Yugoslav armed forces and the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), which has called for coordinated action with NATO forces. It is only after the beginning of the NATO bombardment that the exodus took on massive proportions.

That claims of 'ethnic cleansing' is a lie fabricated by NATO member States, the US in particular, to justify their bombing campaign, is revealed by foreign observers, including certain OSCE human rights monitors of the OSCE Kosovo Verification Mission (KVM). An OSCE monitor, Rollie Keith, is categorical: "I did not witness, nor did I have knowledge of any incidents of so-called 'ethnic-cleansing' and there certainly were no occurrences of 'genocidal policies' while I was with KVM in Kosovo." He attributes the violence in the province to "KLA provocation, as personally witnessed in ambushes of security patrols which inflicted fatal and other casualties" which were "clear violations of the previous October's agreement. The security forces responded and the consequent security harassment and counter-operations". He insists that the withdrawal of the OSCE team on 20 March "obviously resulted in human rights abuses and a very significant humanitarian disaster as some 600,000 Albanian Kosovars have fled or been expelled from the province … There were no international refugees over the last five months of OSCE's presence within Kosovo and Internal Displaced Persons only numbered a few thousand in the weeks before the air bombardment commenced … so I would attribute the humanitarian disaster directly or indirectly to the NATO air bombardment and resulting antiterrorist campaign."

OSCE monitors and foreign reporters in Yugoslavia also exposed the lie about the 'Racak massacre' that was 'discovered' by OSCE KVM Chief, US Ambassador William Walker. It was the lie that would lead to NATO bombardment of the country and provide justification for it on "humanitarian grounds." On 16 January 1999, Walker accused "Yugoslav security forces" of massacring 45 civilians in the village of Racak, an act of which he was "personally convinced" and sent an ultimate demand that investigators from the Hague Tribunal be permitted to come to Kosovo an Metohija within 24 hours. Albanian reporters personally hand-picked by Walker to accompany him repeated Walker's version. He had refused to allow representatives of the domestic media to be present. According to the Albanian "eyewitnesses", in the middle of the day, the police raided the village, speared women from men, and subsequently killed the latter. The announcement was made before any investigation could be carried out. The story of the Racak 'massacre' is almost identical to that of the stories about the Sarajevo marketplace of Markale and from Vase Miskine Street, the truth punished for what they did not do.

Soon after Walker's announcement, Yugoslav authorities refuted this version and in a communiqué, the Foreign Ministry reported that there had been an armed confrontation in the vicinity of Racakon 15 January when KLA fighters attacked Serb police undertaking the arrest of terrorists who had killed a police officer, Svetislav Przic, five days earlier. The KVM of the OSCE was duly informed about the beginning of the arrests and arrived at the scene of fighting.

William Walker's version and that of Albanian 'eyewitnesses' was also refuted by films shot both during and after the fighting in Racak by the American Associated Press and by Renaud Girard, correspondent in Yugoslavia for the French daily "Le Figaro" on location in Racak. OSCE monitors who were present in Racak also contradicted the version.

On 20 and 23 January, Renaud Girard pointed out that the Serb police had nothing to hide since they invited a television crew from the American Associated Press to film their operation to arrest members of the KLA group in Racak, known to be a KLA base, and who had carried our multiple criminal acts of terrorism as per Article 125 of the Criminal Code of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Security forces had also informed the OSCE Mission of the campaign, Neal Strechen. Members of the OSCE mission, travelling in two vehicles with American diplomatic plates, were also present.

Le Figaro pointed out that the available facts refute the claims of OSCE and of the Albanian separatists that Serbian security forces massacred 45 civilians. According to various Western dailies, it appears that the bodies may be those of KLA members killed in the fighting with Serb police which were later gathered together by KLA separatists and brought to the gully to stage a massacre. There were very few cartridge shells and very little blood around the gully where 23 people were found with multiple bullets in their heads. Foreign and domestic experts determined the unnatural position of the bodies of the victims. There were tracks and traces of brain showing that the bodies had been dragged from the vicinity. Despite the presence of journalists and observers in the town during the KLA-Serb fighting, there were no eyewitnesses and the bodies were 'discovered' only on the day after the fighting. At the time of the 'massacre', the village was under the control of the KLA and the film shot by foreign reporters showed that Serb police could not move around openly. The residents of the abandoned village of Racak did not recognize among the victims any of their neighbours from the village. Yugoslav forensic experts performing autopsies on the bodies declared that "not one of the bodies showed evidence that the victim was executed." The Director of the Institute for Forensic Medicine of the Faculty of Medicine in Pristina stated that eminent pathologists, including two from Belorussia, had performed autopsies on five bodies and that none bore signs of injury caused exclusively by fire-arms and that there was no sign of injuries "which would support that they had been massacred or otherwise tampered with". Two members of the OSCE Mission were constantly present at the autopsy.

Inside the OSCE Mission, the conclusion had been reached, on the basis of evidence available, that the 'massacre' was, indeed, staged by the KLA. Officials of the Mission, who had asked to remain anonymous, informed that they had inspected 15 bodies and determined that some of them were moved. According to one monitor, most of the bodies were brought from the surrounding area. Many were KLA fighters killed in an armed combat with Serb forces and "were subsequently dressed in civilian clothes." Willy Wimmer, Vice-president of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly told the private German television NTV that he rejects with disgust manipulation by television pictures intended to provoke an intervention by NATO in Kosovo and Metohija : "Everything is directed toward provoking a certain reaction so that certain pictures create the desire to immediately issue orders to our soldiers to go into action."

The US Chief of the OSCE KVM and NATO Governments went out of their way to prevent the truth of the 'massacre' being known. Walker prevented the investigating judge from carrying out the on-site investigation on 16 January by demanding that she go without police protection. Having prevented the country's judicial and state authorities from carrying out their duty, Walker himself arrived at the scene on the same day, accompanied by foreign and Albanian journalists, and made the dramatic declaration! Outraged by the arrogance of a US Ambassador behaving like an occupation force, the Yugoslav Government accused Walker of intervention in the internal affairs of a sovereign state: "such an attitude did not come for the first time to the fore in his statement and in his preventing that the investigating judge carry out her duty according to the laws of her own country. He probably forgot that he is not a Governor or a Prosecutor or judges in Serbia or in the FRY but the representative of the organization of 54 equal the territory of a sovereign country but to observe and report accurately.

Moreover, before any investigating could be carries, Walker brought with him Albanian reporters and allowed them to walk all over the site thus covering up the tracks. We all know that under normal circumstances, the site of a death is cordoned of f to prevent evidence from being removed or covered up.

In addition, the 21 kilo report of a forensic expert team sent by the European union to investigate the circumstances of death, which was ready at the beginning of March, was not made public. Especially the EU President, German Chancellor Schroder, to prevent the contents being divulged during the Rambouillet meeting, used procedural and other arguments. The OSCE, itself, admitted indirectly to this. The head of the team, Finland's Dr. Helena Ranta, was apparently instructed by Bonn not to reveal the contents and to follow directions given by German authorities. However, the contents are known within OSCE circles: that the massacre was substantially manipulated on the Albanian side!