The thesis of 'genocide' advanced by NATO leaders is also rejected by Fatmi Seholi, spokesman for Democratic Initiative of Kosovo, a political party of Kosovo Albanians opposed to KLA's fight for independence. In an interview with Paul Watson, correspondent for 'Los Angeles Times', Seholi declared: "As an Albanian, I am convinced that the Serbian government and its security forces are not committing any kind of genocide. But in a war, even innocent people die. In every war, there are those who want to profit. Here there is an minority who wanted to rob, but this is not genocide. These are only crimes." Seholi also pointed out that, after the wave of looting, killings and other types of aggression, the Government had taken measures to restore order and that Albanians have begun to return, often under police protection. If more Kosovo Albanians are not publicly questioning the accusations of 'crimes against humanity' made against Yugoslav leaders and security forces, it is also for fear of being killed by KLA, as was Seholi's father who was murdered by KLA in January 1997 apparently for having being "too cooperative" with Serbian authorities.

What NATO powers are also seeking to hide is that the KLA is a ruthless clandestine armed group which, since 1996, was equipped and trained by the German secret service as it did the Croatian militia. Shock troops of the military secret service in Berlin (Kommandos Spezialkrafte) provided operational training, arms, transmission material and black uniforms taken from the stocks of former East Germany's Stasi. At the end of 1998, the US entered into contact with KLA and decided to back, i.e., instrumentalize, the organisation. Bases were established in northern Albania and western Macedonia. The KLA made itself known on 11 February 1996, when it claimed responsibility for bomb attacks against five Serbian refugee camps in Krajina. Alone in 1997, the KLA carried out 14 attacks in Kosovo and one in Macedonia. All 'traitors' were systematically eliminated. On 7 January 1998, the KLA announced that it will carry the war to Macedonia. In other words, it was fighting not only for the independence of Kosovo but for the creation of a "Greater Albania, which would include Albania, Kosovo, one-third of Montenegro and the Western half of Macedonia. In mid-February 1998 to launched its first major offensive and within 5 months 'liberated' some 30% of the territory. In the 'liberated' areas, KLA prohibited all political parties, physically attacked other minorities, Serbs, gypsies and the goran (Macedonian Muslims), and denounced Ibrahim Rugova, his political party and the Kosovan parliament.

Political leaders, NATO and the media have remained significantly silent about the thousands of Kosovo Albanians who have sought refuge in Belgrade with Serbian families. They have also remained silent about the fact that before the bombardment, more Serbs were fleeing Kosovo than Albanians. In the past 20 years, the Albanian population in Kosovo increased from 70 to 90%. Since the war, along with Albanians, Serbs are fleeing Kosovo in their thousands.

War, the expansion of capitalism by other means

The global expansion of corporate interests, manifests itself through the phenomenon of 'globalization' or 'imperialism', the global expression of capitalism pursued domestically. War in its various forms is the military means by which capitalism acquires vast markets, a permanent supply of cheap labour and raw materials, essential to counteract the inexorable decline in its rate of profit.

In a 1967 report that was subsequently published in 1969 with the title "undesirable Peace" with a preface by J.K. Galbraith, 15 American experts affirmed that war is the sole technique available today for the stability of capitalism: "War fulfils certain essential functions for the stability of our society .. although we do not affirm that, for the economy, it is impossible to imagine a substitute for war, no set of techniques aimed at maintaining control over employment, production and consumption has ever been tried that is even distantly comparable to its efficiency. War was, and is, from far, the essential element of stability in modern societies…."

The global crisis of capitalism, now threatening the United States at the very heart of the system, characterized by a wave of frantic corporate mergers, acquisitions and alliances, could be off-set only through an acceleration of its control over the global economy. The multiplication of US sanctions is also a reflection of a deflationary global economy which, in other words, means that capitalism is undergoing a crisis of overproduction - a 'global glut.' Only two months ago, Time Magazine published on its front page a picture of Rubin, Greenspan and Summers, describing them as "the Committee to save the World." At the same time, meetings of G-7, the World Economic Forum in Davos and the Bretton Woods institutions acknowledged that a great economic crisis was threatening global capitalism. George Soros shocked Congress recently when he said bluntly, "The global capitalist system… is coming apart at the seams". The US economy is reaching the end of an economic cycle. It is feared that growth will transform itself into a 'hard landing'. Patrick Artus, chief economist at the 'Caisse des Depots' notes: "the next crisis will probably emerge from the financial bubble and indebtedness of the American economy." This end of the cycle manifests itself paradoxically through extravagant figures in Wall Street. The capitalization of American stocks rose sharply from 60% of GDP in 1993 to 120% in 1998, and Dow Jones continues to increase without any relation to profits to be gained. The US must, therefore, maintain the domination of the dollar. The war management of the end of the American cycle is strongly supported by European Union countries. In 1998, FF 930 billion left Europe mainly to the United States. In exchange, the European Union removed all trade and other barriers to facilitate mergers by global corporations.

Only ten years after Western capitalist powers declared the 'victory of capitalism' following the fall of the Berlin Wall, the totality of capitalist postulates - markets, mobility, transparence, trade - is being increasingly challenged the world over. The challenge to all these 'values' imposed under the guise of 'modernity' was sufficiently important that even the influential financial magazine, Business Week, could not ignore it when the global crisis, after Asia and Russia, hit Brazil, in the America's 'backyard': "The American model is attacked everywhere. The market is increasingly perceived as the enemy of growth. Nations are withdrawing from it in order to respond to one of the largest ever destruction of wealth."

That this crisis was seen as a serious threat to American 'national interests' by the political and financial couple, fathers of the so-called "American miracle", is reflected in a statement made by one of them, Robert Rubin, former US Treasury Secretary on 3 June 1998: "I am profoundly concerned - and I call tell you that the President shares these concerns - about the weakening of public support for globalization at a moment when economic interests, national security and geopolitics of the country require the opposite …. Never have so many countries faced so many difficulties at the same time."