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FEATURE
THE MYTH OF HINDUTVA

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usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Diabolic hidden agenda
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eeds to be unmasked
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Back to jingoism
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JP back to old games
usm-red.gif (836 bytes)Kamtapuri
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hjat and why?

Suranjan Das

Literally Hindutva means a Hindu way of life or the essence of Hinduism. But it acquired a particular meaning in Indian politics when the BJP and other Hindu fundamentalist outfits started using it as an ideological jargon to propound the theory of Hindu State. In its current usage the term Hindutva is used to denote the supremacy of Hindu culture in India. Used in an exclusionist sense, the notion of Hindutva is employed to equate Indian culture with Hindu culture. The implicit assumption is that since Hindus constitute the majority community in India the country is to be converted into a Hindu State. Minority communities, it is asserted, would have to accept Hindu supremacy if they choose to stay in Hindusthan.

This dictum of Hindutva is, however, ahistorical. It goes against Indian history, tradition and culture. Indian culture does not represent one single culture. Instead, it is syncretic in nature. It is a synthesis of such cultural strands as Persian, Greek, Parthian, Scythian, Hinduism, Islam, Christianity and Zoroastrianism. All the masterpieces in Indian art and architecture reflect this syncretism. In Gandhara Art we find strong Greek influence. The architectural creations in the Sultanate and Mughal periods - including the Taj Mahal - are the products of Indo-Islamic architectural style which is essentially a combination of Turko-Iranian and traditional Hindu forms. Indian classical music was itself enriched by the contact with the Islamic world. The Bhakti movement at the all-India plain and the Baul tradition in Bengal are powerful representations of Hindu-Muslim fraternity. Still now in different parts of the country Hindu and Muslim peasants worship the same gods and goddesses either for good harvest or to escape from natural calamities. Muslim artisans used to build the wheels of chariots for Lord Jagannath in Puri; the Satima Mela in Nadia still reflects the syncretic tradition of Indian culture at the popular level. In fact, by incorporating many non-Islamic local rituals and customs Islam in India has acquired a character which is quite different from Islam in other parts of the world. Contact between the East and West during the British rule was also crucial in shaping the face of the modern India. By spreading the message of Hindutva the Sangh Parivar is trying to develop cracks in the eclectic tradition of Indian culture and prepare the ground for the operation of Hindu fascist forces. We need to confront this move politically and ideologically and save the integrity of the nation and the secular credentials of our polity.

The theory of Hindutva is also wrong in presenting a homogenous face of Hindu religion. In Hinduism have been incorporated diverse practices, rituals and cults. Even the goddess Durga is not worshipped in the same manner in all parts of the country. Hinduism does not have a rigid structure. It has neither an organized church nor a single text. What is presented as Hindutva is essentially a particular Brahminical version of Hinduism which is not always practiced either by the lower social order or even in the same manner all over India.

Besides, the ideology of Hindutva falls back on the colonial stereotype of visualising the Indian society not as a single society, but as a society of societies. In such an understanding religion is considered as the primary reference point of identity. History, however, shows that although the call of religion could be a temporary mobilising force but in the long run class interests determine the course of history. After all, can the interests of Hindu peasants and Muslim peasants or of Hindu workers and Muslim workers be fundamentally different? Is'nt it true that a Hindu landlord exploits Hindu tenants with the same cruelty as a Muslim landlord represses the Muslim tenants? Similarly, a Hindu capitalist would not hesitate to exploit Hindu labourers in the same manner, as a Muslim industrialist would have an exploitative relationship with the Muslim working class. By emphasising religion as the major determinant of social identity, the notion of Hindutva thus presents a fragmented picture of Indian society and seeks to prepared the ground for the operation of fascist Hindu revivalist politics.

In the wake of the coming elections the BJP has been hypocritical in advocating the cause of Hindutva. Although it has apparently proclaimed to abide by the agenda drawn up by National Democratic Alliance that had put a moratorium on contentious issues, time and again front-ranking leaders of the party have asserted their commitment to the basics of Hindutva. Recently the BJP General Secretary did not hide the fact that construction of Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, abrogation of Article 370 of the Constitution and enactment of a Common Civil Code remained high in the party's agenda. He went to the extent of remarking: "We work with bifocal vision. We are neither breaking out of our commitment to those issues nor are we apologetic about our stand". (Times of India 23/8/99) In the ensuing election the dividing line has thus become clear between those who support secular democratic values and those who have opted for the divisive doctrine of Hindutva. Left and democratic forces need to remain on constant alert so that the people are not misled by the double-faced BJP. The integrity of our country and fundamental pillars of our federal polity can be ensured only by defeating the force of Hindutva.





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