For while on the one hand other partners are restrained to proclaim their programmes and policies, the BJP continues to pursue its own agenda through outfits like the RSS, Bajrang Dal, VHP etc. When the RSS Chief Rajinder Singh says that the Muslims should handover the three shrines at Ayodhya, Mathura and Kashi to the Hindus, can the BJP leaders say that they will not pursue this aim? RSS constitutes the core of the BJP. It should be recalled that in 1979 the Janata Party got split on the issue of dual membership, when members of the erstwhile Jan Sangh refused to revoke their membership of the RSS. They later on went to form the BJP.

After several attempts at gaining power on its having failed, the BJP tried to rope in all and sundry to seat itself in power. The NDA is a hoch poch conglomeration of parties and individuals who have taken opportunistic positions. Even parties and individuals that were at logger heads with the BJP on the question of "social justice" raised in the background of the announcement of the acceptance of the report of the Mandal Commission, are now found in the fond company of the BJP. It may be remembered that the Shri L.K. Advani, the then president of the BJP had set out on a rath yatra with the avowed aim of constructing a temple at Ayodhya at the site where the Babri Masjid stood, in the wake of the recommendations of the Mandal Commission being accepted. It was the arrest of Advani at Samastipur in Bihar that was to ultimately lead to the withdrawal of support by the BJP to the V.P. Singh government. Many amongst its allies had till recently proclaimed themselves to be sworn enemies of the BJP. It is such opportunist parties that find themselves at ease in the company of the BJP.

However, the four round of polls conducted till now show that despite the NDA, the BJP has not been successful in widening its base and inspiring confidence in the mass of the population. Once the results are out and the allies realise that they will not be in a position to gain power or will be unable to fulfill their desire of sharing power, they are bound to desert it. Even the last experiment of the BJP at keeping its alliance together failed when the AIADMK, a major partner of its withdrew support, resulting in the downfall of the 13 month old Vajpayee government. But it seems that this time the BJP will not be provided such an opportunity at all.

What is the basis of this assertion? The 18 month record of the BJP-led government (13+5 as caretaker) itself goes against the BJP. No single action has been taken to ameliorate the condition of the poorer sections -- providing them with cheap foodgrains, generating employment and providing other basic amenities. Instead what we saw was an enormous rise in the prices of essential commodities. Vegetable prices went so high that some items like onions and tomatoes became a luxury commodity with its prices going up by eight to ten times. Mustard oil, used as a cooking medium in various parts of the country was found to be adulterated, leading to dropsy cases and death of several people. It was the prices of onions alone that sealed the fate of the BJP in the elections to the assemblies of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Delhi.

If the BJP can claim to have done something for someone it is for the multinationals, big landlords and big business houses. Giving up its own slogan of "Swadeshi" it found itself good in the company of "Videshis". It is for no reason that imperialism and international capital are well wishers of the BJP. One may recall that after the 1996 elections when Vajpayee was called to form the government, despite not having a majority, and was yet to seek the confidence of the house, the US President had sent him a congratulatory message. It is another matter that this government lasted only for 13 days.

No other government has been so oblivious to the problems of the people as the BJP has been. With nothing credible to speak about as "achievements" it is concentrating only on the Pokhran tests and Kargil, fraudulently claiming credit for these. Both these issues have been dealt in these columns in detail in the past. India had already achieved nuclear capability in 1974 with the first blasts in Pokhran. The change however, is that while earlier it had declared that it would keep open its nuclear option, the BJP government has reversed this by going in for weaponisation. With Pakistan following suit, this has given rise to an arms race in the subcontinent. Moreover, India's standing in the international community has been damaged. As we had warned, this has lead to imperialism mounting pressure on India. The BJP led government as opposed to the jingoistic rhetoric has meekly surrendered before the US and is reported to have agreed to sign the CTBT which the country had been opposing till date. As far as Kargil is concerned, it is due to the valiant efforts of our soldiers that the Pakistani intruders could be evicted. If anything, the BJP should be held responsible for its laxity in permitting the intrusion leading to the deaths of hundreds of our soldiers and also helped in internationalising the Kashmir issue, with even President Clinton promising to take "personal interest" in the matter.

There has been a major shift in India's foreign policy. Over the years the country had followed a policy of non-alignment, peace, in support of national liberation movements. Such a policy had a definite anti-imperialist orientation. Such a policy should have been strengthened in the background of the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the imperialist efforts to dominate the world. But instead, we find that this has been reversed completely. Half the time of our foreign minister, Jaswant Singh's (even earlier when he was Dy. Chairman of Planning Commission) diplomatic efforts are devoted to placating the US. It is either Madeline Albright or Strobe Talbott in whose company he feels comfortable.

Devoid of any plank to go before the electorate, the BJP camp managers have found it worthy of turning the electoral battle to be a contest between two individuals for the post of Prime Ministership. Atal vs Sonia. Such a line suits them, as this would relegate all other questions and issues to the background and only project the mask that is Vajpayee. But we should realise that it is only fascistic organisations that give too much importance to individuals and deny the role of the people or democratic institutions or forums. Given the fact that the BJP is the frontal organisation of the RSS, it is not difficult to understand their antipathy to democracy and democratic institutions. Vajpayee himself, despite his earlier failed attempts, has even now threatened to dislodge the RJD government in Bihar. Such threats to a duly elected government can only emanate from those who entertain dictatorship.

In an attempt to absolve Vajpayee of the charge of giving evidence that led to the conviction of some people for participating in the 1942 Quit India Movement, the BJP has brought out posters showing Vajpayee as a participant in the freedom movement. There is no evidence to show that either Vajpayee or any single colleagues of his in the BJP had been a freedom fighter.

From being a freedom fighter, he has turned to using intemperate language. While in the last leg of his election tour, in West Bengal, he held a no holds barred campaign. He hurled all sorts of accusations against the West Bengal Left Front government and blamed it for all the ills of West Bengal. Vajpayee was conveniently forgetting the fact that it is in West Bengal and the other Left ruled states of Kerala and Tripura alone that land reforms have been implemented. It is in these states alone that decentralised administration provided and a viable and strong public distribution system put in place. Which other states can boast of these achievements?

In the fifth round some 146 seats will go to the polls. These include West Bengal, Tripura and the North-East -- where the BJP has little stake. The situation in Orissa is a bit difficult with the Congress organisation in bad shape and the split in the Janata Dal. But the battle will be tough in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, parts of which will also go to the polls on October 3. The hue and cry raised by the BJP-Samata combine in Bihar with all sorts of allegations being levelled both against the state government, with even the credibility of the Election Commission being questioned, is a pointer to the panic that has gripped their camp. The minorities, the backward classes, the scheduled castes and the weaker sections are solidly rallied behind the secular forces and the Left. In Uttar Pradesh there is a big shift away from the BJP mass base. This is bound to effect its performance.