The address invokes what Mahatma Gandhi said way back in 1931: "I shall strive for a Constitution, which will release India from all thralldom and patronage. I shall work for an India in which the poorest shall feel that it is their country in whose making they have an effective voice; an India in which there shall be no high class and low class of people; an India in which all communities shall live in perfect harmony....This is the India of my dreams. I shall be satisfied with nothing less".

In doing so, it tries to draw a parallel with the "Agenda for a Proud, Prosperous India", the policy document of the BJP-led government, which the Address says "reaffirms its faith in the principles of secularism, social justice, federal harmony, probity and socio-economic equity."

The address draws attention to the challenge to overcome the scourge of poverty, which it says remains a daunting one. It points out that "Crores of people, particularly in villages, are still to be provided with basic services such as clean drinking water, reasonable shelter, primary education, health services, and roads. Illiteracy is still a curse for large masses of our people....millions of young men and women continue to be victims of unemployment...."

While drawing attention to these burning problems, little is concretely said on the measures to be initiated to tackle them. What it does instead is to make preposterous promises like creating one crore additional employment opportunities each year. This it says will be mainly in the areas of agriculture, agri-based businesses, small-scale and cottage industries, housing and construction, services, and self-employment. It would be a miracle if these sectors generate one crore additional jobs a year. The claim is quickly exposed, if one goes through the budgetary support granted to these sectors, as frivolous and unreal. In fact the direction of the policies enunciated is towards increasing not employment, but unemployment. Like previous governments this one also has been generous in making promises. And it is not just creation of additional jobs that is promised, also promised is construction of twenty lakh additional houses a year, drinking water, electricity, telecom services, et al.

To achieve this, the Address says that rapid economic growth is essential, and points out that the "most obvious constraint to rapid economic growth today is the inadequacy of our infrastructure". But how does it resolve to overcome this lag?

"Government shall take urgent steps to improve the situation, guided by the principle of greater private investment..." Emphasising on this point and in tune with the government's perception on privatisation, the Address states that "in the power and energy sector, the Centre will work closely with state governments for time-bound corporatisation of the State Electricity Boards. Generation, transmission, and distribution of electricity will be unbundled as separate activities," and also warns of "tariff reform (read increased rates), privatisation of transmission and distribution of power" etc.

The very same emphasis on privatisation is laid with regard to modernisation of airports through private sector participation; telecom; denotification of more sectors reserved for the small scale industries, etc. The liberalisation-privatisation process that was initiated in 1991 and was pursued with much greater vigour during the earlier version of the Vajpayee government, has come to stay. The present government, if anything has committed itself to pursue these very same policies with much more vehemence. Despite all the rhetoric of eradicating poverty and unemployment, the thrust is on providing more opportunities and avenues for the richer sections to amass more profits. Continuing the policy of keeping our doors open to the loot of foreign capital it promises "automatic route for FDI clearances except in a small list of carefully chosen areas".

FALSE PICTURES

A rosy picture is sought to be painted of the Indian economy. Inflation it says is around two percent only. This is statistical jugglery. Prices of essential commodities have shot up considerably after the whopping 35 percent increase in the price of diesel. While concession after concession is doled out to the richer strata, burden after burden is being imposed on the common people.

Spelling out its priorities on national security, the Address states that the "Government is already engaged in taking effective steps to create a riot-free and terrorism-free India". They might be presuming that they would be able to achieve this by suppressing and trampling on the rights of the minorities. The threats held out by the RSS Chief Rajinder Singh calling for the handing over of the shrines at Mathura and Kashi, in addition to Ayodhya, to the Hindus; the high-pitched campaign against the Pope's visit to India; the Goa-Delhi yatra by the VHP -- are all steps clearly not intended to "create a riot-free" India. Such campaigns and slogans will only vitiate the atmosphere. The connivance of the Prime Minister and his ministerial colleagues belonging to his party is revealed by their refusal to condemn the threats held out by the RSS-VHP-Shiv Sena and an assortment of such organisations against the Pope's visit. Why did the erstwhile Shiv-Sena BJP government in Maharashtra refuse to accept the recommendations of the Sri Krishna Commission that had probed into the Bombay riots in the wake of the demolition of the Babri Masjid at Ayodhya?

 ON TERRORISM

Not stopping at that it claims that "the past two years have seen a marked improvement in the situation in Jammu and Kashmir. Education, tourism and other economic activities are fast returning to normal in this state." Nothing could be further from the truth, rather it is the opposite that has taken place. To substantiate its false claim, the Address cites the example of 111,000 pilgrims participating in the Amarnath Yatra. If pilgrimages were to be an yardsticks for measuring improvement in the situation, any number of them have been conducted over the years. The very fact that Pakistan was able to send intruders into Kargil as well as the Kashmir Valley in itself negates these claims. While the armed intrusion into Kargil was defeated, the nearly thousand men who have been inducted into the Valley continue to stay put. They tried to disrupt the elections and are indulging in killings and arson. How does the government explain that compared to the last Assembly elections held during the tenure of the United Front government, when over 50 percent of the electorate exercised their franchise, the turn-out this time was very low. In some constituencies it was just seven per cent. So much for "marked improvement" and people "opting" for the ballot.

While Address refers to the announcement made by the Prime the Minister of "Zero Tolerance" while dealing with terrorism, his own ally the Akali Dal, after losing popular support, is resorting to its old tactics. In this connection, a disquieting news item appeared in The Hindu of October 11.

The 7th anniversary of the hanging of those who were convicted for the assassination of General Vaidya, was commemorated at the Gadhri village in Amritsar. Attending the function was none other than Akal Takht Jathedar, Giani Puran Singh. The Punjab chief minister, Prakash Singh Badal, we may recall, installed this jathedar, in office, after ousting the incumbent Ranjit Singh. According to The Hindu report, Giani Puran Singh eulogised the assassins, as well as showering praises on Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. They were 'martyrs' for the Sikh Kaum" (nation), the Jathedar observed, "kaum shaheed" (martyrs for the Sikh nation). Not stopping at that, the Jathedar went on to shower praise on the activities of Bhindranwale and sought to give them religious sanctity and approval by stating that his fight against the Indian army was in accordance with Sikh traditions. Giving his stamp of approval to the killing of General Vaidya, he assisted that Sukha and Jinda avenged the army action by assassinating General Vaidya. More shockingly, none of Puran Singh's mentors and those holding office in the Punjab government, have come out against this.

CHALLENGES TO CONSTITUTION

Relying heavily on the support of regional parties, the government could not but have said that the "pending recommendations of the Sarkaria Commission's report" on centre-state relations will be "considered for expeditious implementation". Every action of the earlier version of the Vajpayee government militates against this stated goal. The BJP has all along advocated concentration of more powers at the Centre. The Vajpayee government during its 13-month tenure last time, President's Rule twice in Bihar by invoking the provisions of Article 356 dismissing a duly elected state government. Nothing but partisan interests dictated the adoption of such a course.

In tune with this anti-democratic approach, the Address now talks of setting up of a Commission of constitutional experts to study half a century of the working of the Constitution and "make suitable recommendations to meet the challenges of the next century". But what are the challenges? Replacing the parliamentary system with a Presidential one? The review of the Constitution that the BJP has been talking of is not meant to strengthen the secular, federal and democratic nature of the Indian republic. What it seeks to do is to undermine these very principles. The proposal of having a fixed term for the Lok Sabha and the state legislative Assemblies is undemocratic by its very nature. It will but give a field day to unscrupulous manipulators, and maneouvering devoid of ideology and politics. And what does a "Constructive Vote of No-Confidence" mean? Can a vote of confidence be destructive, or has the BJP always been voting on destructive vote of confidence motions?

In the realm of foreign policy, the old stand has been reiterated, to aim at becoming imperialism's junior partner in the region by continuing to pursue the same policy of succumbing to imperialist pressure. And in this regard it has unabashedly stated that "India seeks to further deepen and broaden her relations with the United States of America". The old priorities in the international arena have been changed. There is no mention of strengthening the Non-Aligned Movement of which India was a founder member, although this movement is of much more relevance today, given the changed global scenario with US imperialism aggressively imposing its hegemony everywhere.

To sum up, as stated at the outset, the Address is a lacklustre exercise. It is remarkable for dazzling promises; devoid of concreteness. What the Address does do is to clearly set out the agenda for the Vajpayee government -- a vehement and unashamed pursuit of the unfinished agenda of economic liberalisation; more attacks on the people's livelihood; more attacks on the secular and democratic character of the Indian polity.

It is not for nothing that the Address has failed to generate even the slightest of enthusiasm. The country-wide protests and resistance to the steep hike in the price of diesel, are an indication of the future resistance that will be put up to all the coming offensives.

At the same time the manner in which the RSS and its organisations in the Sangh Parivar are prosecuting their agendas, makes it very clear that their actions too, will be met with equal, growing resistance.