South Africa Death of Sonia Cuba Castro the Man who survivied 637 attempts Chile Struggles for democracy

Thirty years ago, under the Popular Unity government they had democratically elected, the Chilean people embarked on a relatively peaceful journey to socialism despite the destabilizing pressures of U.S.-dominated international capital. A whole world watched with hope - while a tiny minority plotted in secret.
Three years later, on Sept. 11, 1973, this democratic revolution was brutally cut short by a military coup orchestrated by the U.S. government to "contain communism" during the Cold War.
After 17 years of heroic struggle, and one of the great international solidarity campaigns of the last century, General Augusto Pinochet, and the openly violent fascist apparatus he headed, came down on March 11, 1990 - a great victory for Chile and the world.
However, the struggle to overcome the dictatorship's legacy continued because Pinochet became senator for life, an amnesty decree protected those who had committed crimes against the people during the worst years of repression and the constitution and social system imposed by the dictatorship still guided the country.
But a tenacious left, led by the Communist Party of Chile (CPC) and the popular movement it helped spark, finally brought Pinochet to trial and house detention this Feb. 1 - an historic day.
Still to be tried and judged are the authors of that fascist coup - former president Richard Nixon, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, the CIA, the U.S. military and the international capitalist institutions that plotted the coup.
SANTIAGO, Chile - I arrived here Jan. 4 to participate in the "Fiesta de los Abrazos" (Festival of the Embraces) and, the following week, in the summer school of the Alejandro Lipschutz Institute of Sciences, sponsored by the Chilean left. I represented the Communist Party USA and was a guest of the CPC - the main organizer of both events.
The yearly fiesta started as a form of protest during the dictatorship. Innocently enough, families would gather together in the park for a Sunday picnic. Once the crowd dispersed at the end of the day, one could hear the distinguishing strains of the "Internationale," the workers' hymn associated with socialism, blasting away from a cassette player perched high in the tree branches.
To fully appreciate this, one has to know that, even today, police and military presence, though less threatening than before, are still noticeable in all public places.
This year's fiesta was a magnificent celebration of struggle, culture and cuisine, bringing together some 25,000 people over two days. Organized in the Parque O'Higgins, named after the Chilean liberator against Spanish colonialism, it featured song, dance and the visual arts. Large panel displays depicted the struggles, logos and publications of Communist parties and movements throughout Chile and the Americas, including our own.
Interest in the struggles in the U.S. was overwhelming. Chile's progressives distinguish between our country's rulers, seen as the main instigators of reaction worldwide, and our people, whom they consider friends in the struggle. It seemed ironic to hear people who lived through some of the world's worst fascist repression say, "how much more difficult" the struggle in our country must be.
CPC General Secretary Gladys Marin, the left's presidential candidate in 1999, made eloquent remarks highlighting the struggle for human rights and democracy in Chile. She said defiantly, "In what country of the world does there exist a national security council that is a super power, superior to the elected power of the people, where the chiefs of the armed forces have the same weight and have a vote equal to the nation's president?" Is this the image of a democratic country they want to "sell" the world?
As the fiesta concluded on Sunday, I joined Marin, other leaders, international representatives of Latin American Communist parties and liberation movements and several thousand demonstrators, chanting for several miles through the streets of Santiago to the seat of government, demanding "verdad y justicia" (truth and justice). The lead banner read, "Chile Exige Juicio a Pinochet" (Chile demands Pinochet's prosecution).
Throughout the march people of all ages would continually approach the head of the Communist Party, warmly addressing her as "companera Gladys," giving her the hug and kiss on the cheek customary in Latin countries. Some people anxious to say a few words to Gladys would break the rhythm of the march, occasionally forcing the lead contingent to regroup.
It was Marin, on behalf of the Communist Party, who three years ago filed the initial complaint against Pinochet in relation to her husband and four other Communist leaders kidnapped and murdered during the dictatorship. This encouraged others to do the same.
That evening the nation's president, Ricardo Lagos, delivered a report regarding 200 detained "Desaparecidos" (Disappeared), 130 of whose remains he said had been thrown into the sea, lakes and rivers. He praised the current military for the "strength" and "courage" they had shown in coming forward with details of the cases.
Marin's response was quick and sharp. Others followed, including leading members of Lagos' own Socialist Party. The information was incomplete and inaccurate. What about the rest of the more than 600 known cases? None of the cases involving the dreaded DINA military intelligence units were included.
The information released about the whereabouts of the remains of several Desaparecidos did not jibe with the independent investigations conducted by Judge Juan Guzman and others. Because of these inconsistencies, for the president to speak of the military's strength and courage was an affront to the families of the Desaparecidos and to the nation. Was this not a military maneuver to bury the trail leading to those responsible for the crimes?
Meanwhile, Judge Guzman, who was in charge of Pinochet's case, that week prepared to proceed with the neurological and psychological tests the Supreme Court had required, to determine whether the general was fit to stand trial.
Pinochet, his lawyers, the military and the right-wing parties were maneuvering to frustrate the process. But the demonstrations grew in frequency and size. The protests of mass leaders and public officials grew louder. This set the political stage for Guzman to act.
On Feb. 1, a courageous Guzman took the historic step of indicting the dictator, who had ruled Chile for 17 years, on 57 counts of homicide and 18 counts of kidnapping, and ordered he be placed under house arrest.
Chile shares with Latin America a common history of struggle against oppression, first against European colonialism and now against U.S. imperialism serving the interests of global capitalism. That is why the series of evening panels organized by the summer school of the Alejandro Lipschutz Institute of Sciences was entitled the "United States and National Sovereignty in Latin America." Several hundred participated during the week-long program held in a hall at the headquarters of Chile's labor federation.
At appearances both at the school and the Fiesta, the political counsel of the Cuban embassy in Chile, Carlos Antelo, received a resounding reception even before he said a word. This was one of many examples of the reverence and love shown for the Cuban revolution because it symbolizes the victory of David over Goliath in Latin America and the Caribbean. Many examples were cited of Cuban material and moral support to the fight for national liberation in Chile, the continent and the world, and its contributions to the cause of socialism. Also enthusiastically received were the remarks of the Venezuelan ambassador to Chile, who detailed developments in the democratic revolution now unfolding in his own country. He exposed the threat being posed by U.S. government maneuvers, including building military bases in neighbouring countries.
Visibly angry, the representative of Colombia's FARC liberation forces, Manuel Cardona, denounced the phony war on drugs the U.S. government is financing and promoting there as a war of "genocide" aimed to frustrate the people's aspirations for national liberation and peace. Our tax dollars have fostered a political climate where Colombians have been killed for the last 10 years, at a rate of 75 a day, by U.S. trained and equipped military and paramilitary groups.
Audiences at the school and Fiesta heard with great interest about the growing strength of our movements against the right-wing, for political independence and social justice, including the role of the CPUSA. My hosts asked me to give additional presentations because they felt it was "very encouraging" for Chileans to hear about the struggles of the U.S. labor and people's movements, such as the World Trade Organization demonstrations in Seattle, during the elections and in international solidarity.
Numerous encounters with progressive Chileans revealed they deeply believe their people share a common destiny with the people of our country, that we have a common enemy and goals.